Rehman Sobhan himself has admitted that what is being presented to the nation in the name of reform is entirely a false narrative. He is the chairman of CPD, a person from within Yunus’s own circle, yet even he is compelled to acknowledge that these so-called reform commissions are nothing more than a farce.
Consider this: the general public has no understanding whatsoever of the 38 complex reform proposals. People do not know what these proposals actually contain or what direction the country is being taken in. Yet in the referendum, they will be asked to vote simply “yes” or “no.” What kind of democracy is this? People are being kept in the dark and still asked to make a decision. Sobhan has directly called it an “insignificant proposal.” Note the word: insignificant. Meaning it has no real value.
What is even more telling is that no one from the BNP–Jamaat alliance is standing up to explain how essential these reforms are or to raise public awareness about them. The reason is obvious. They themselves know what these proposals really are. The government that was formed after the seizure of power had the direct backing of this alliance. They played a role in organizing the July riots and in overthrowing the elected government. What is now being done in the name of reform serves their interests. That is why they remain silent. They feel no responsibility to explain anything to the public.
Sobhan made another important point. He said that reform is a continuous process. It is not something that can be completed in a day or even in a year. How can an interim government with no public mandate implement reforms within just 18 months? There is no parliament, no elected representatives, no constitutional legitimacy. So how will laws be passed? How will debate take place? How will implementation happen? When these questions are raised, there are no answers.
The real truth is that Yunus and his group know they have no legitimacy. They came to power through an organized uprising. Although what happened in July is being portrayed as a mass uprising, the reality is different. Without foreign funding, the active participation of militant groups, and the silent support of the military, this change would not have been possible. An elected government was removed through unconstitutional means. This was not a democratic process.
What is happening now in the name of reform is essentially an attempt to legitimize their illegal hold on power. Mahfuz Alam and his associates fear that the situation could revert to what it was before. That is why they want to manufacture legitimacy for reform by any means necessary. Sobhan himself said that Yunus likely arranged this referendum to please Mahfuz. This is not driven by national necessity, but by personal and political calculations.
Is it the role of a democratic government to run campaigns using Ali Riaz, deploy bank employees, or use NGO workers to persuade people to vote “yes”? A government is supposed to remain neutral. But here, the government itself has become a partisan actor, openly campaigning. It is clear that the outcome has already been decided. The referendum is merely a show.
Reform is being talked about, but there has been no public dialogue on what real reform actually means. The so-called July National Charter has not reached the people. Ordinary citizens do not know what reforms it proposes. Their opinions were not sought. Their participation was absent. A few commissions were formed, a few individuals were appointed, and they are now deciding what the country’s future will look like. What kind of reform process is this?
Sobhan’s sharpest criticism is this: until an elected government comes to power and implements these reforms, and until the public can evaluate the quality of that implementation, these proposals have no value. This is absolutely true. Proposals written on paper achieve nothing. Implementation is what matters. And only a legitimate government with public support can implement reforms.
Yunus’s government has no public mandate. It came to power through planned instability. Nationwide violence, attacks on state property, killings of police officers, persecution of minorities — this is how power was seized. Now, to cover up that illegitimacy, they have put on the mask of reform.
The most absurd part is this: those who seized power by abandoning democracy are now talking about democratic reform. Those who violated the constitution to overthrow a government are now talking about constitutional reform. Those who rejected elected institutions are now talking about institutional reform. What kind of contradiction is this?
Even someone like Rehman Sobhan is being forced to say that he does not know where this situation will ultimately lead. A seasoned economist who has observed the country’s politics and economy for decades cannot see how this cycle will end. That is the reality.
The truth is that the reforms Yunus and his group are talking about are actually a plan to steer the country in a specific direction. In that plan, there is no place for public opinion. They want people to simply say “yes.” Why they are saying yes, or what they are saying yes to, does not matter. Such a referendum cannot be a democratic process.
Many of those who took to the streets in July did not really understand whose interests they were serving. They were used in a larger game. Now the true nature of that game is gradually being revealed. What is happening in the name of reform is actually an attempt to entrench power. A connection is being formed between Yunus’s usury-based business interests and state power. And that connection is dangerous for the country.
Sobhan’s critique is, in fact, a warning. He says an imaginary reality has been constructed — meaning what is being said has no real foundation. It is all an illusion. And where the country will end up if it gets trapped in this illusion is a question that demands serious thought.
