In a narrow alley in Adabor, several attackers hacked a bKash agent and fled with three lakh taka. The incident went viral, police launched an operation, and then, in a shocking turn of events, the Officer-in-Charge (OC) himself was attacked and left bloodied within his own jurisdiction. The suspects were not unknown criminals. They were allegedly members of the notorious “Kobjikata Anwar” gang operating in the Mohammadpur-Adabor area, a group that had already been documented in Dhaka Metropolitan Police records. In other words, the police knew who they were, where they operated, and what their criminal history looked like. Yet they remained free to roam the streets and carry out robberies.
This is not an isolated failure.
At present, the Dhaka Metropolitan Police reportedly maintains a comprehensive list of 117 organized criminal groups, each consisting of 10 to 20 members. The database includes details of who controls which area, who is involved in murder, robbery, extortion, and other crimes, and even, according to reports, the names of those who provide political or financial patronage to these groups. Despite possessing such information, Dhaka has witnessed 597 murder cases, 773 incidents of robbery and mugging, and 142 attacks on police personnel over the last twenty-one months. Not a single one of the ten most high-profile robbery cases has seen its investigation completed. The problem is not a lack of information. It is a lack of action.
In Rampura, a man known as “Kailya Palash” was shot dead near his home just one month after being released on bail. In New Market, another alleged criminal, Naim, was gunned down, and more than six weeks later no arrests have been made. In Pallabi, investigators reportedly identified the individual who ordered the killing of Jubo Dal leader Golam Kibria, yet that person remains at large. The victim’s wife has publicly expressed doubts about whether justice will ever be served. When law enforcement knows the identity of those who allegedly order murders but still cannot bring them into custody, the issue appears to extend beyond investigative capacity and into questions of political will.
Prime Minister Tarique Rahman publicly declared that improving law and order would be the highest priority of his government. Four months have passed since that pledge. What has been achieved?
Home Minister Salahuddin Ahmed himself acknowledged that Mohammadpur has functioned as a safe haven for criminals for years. Yet police investigations reportedly indicate that the same criminal network carried out at least ten robberies in the area during the past month alone. Many incidents never resulted in formal cases because victims were too afraid to approach the police. Others attracted little attention because they did not go viral on social media. The pattern appears clear: once an incident gains public attention online, pressure comes from above, press conferences are held, and success stories are publicized. But the investigations themselves often stall. Even detectives speaking anonymously to the media have raised these concerns.
In Mirpur, gunmen stole twenty-two lakh taka from a businessman. In Dhanmondi, another robbery involved fifty-two lakh taka. In Kamrangirchar, fifty bhori of gold was taken. Police arrested five suspects, including alleged gang leader Jalil Mondol, in connection with these incidents. Yet the victims have reportedly not recovered their losses, and the accused have already secured bail. This has become the prevailing reality: arrests alone change little because legal proceedings frequently lose momentum once media attention fades.
The issue is not new. Critics argue that two decades ago, when the same political force was in power, street-level criminals were occasionally arrested, but their political patrons often shielded them from facing full accountability in court. Today, with a two-thirds parliamentary majority, the government faces similar accusations. Those alleged to be directing criminal operations are said to be issuing instructions from abroad, while the names of key masterminds remain trapped in investigation files even when gunmen are apprehended. As Jamaat, the second-largest political force in parliament, rapidly expands its influence at the grassroots level, old questions are resurfacing about the relationship between political power and criminal networks.
[117 Gangs on the List, 597 Bodies on the Streets: Where Is the Government?]
Former Inspector General of Police Abdul Kaiyum has stated that the root of the problem lies in a lack of accountability and oversight. Without active leadership and supervision, he argues, the situation is unlikely to improve.
The central question, therefore, is no longer directed at the police alone. It must be directed at the government that came to power promising law and order as its foremost priority. The names are known. The addresses are known. The criminal patterns are known. What appears to be missing is the political will to act on that information.
